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Speaker Tom Craddick got by with a little help from some old
friends who reaped the spoils of victory after years in the
valley, but nobody flexed muscles like Gov. Rick Perry in 2003.
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State Representative Phil King knew he had
come a long way from his old job as justice of the peace when
he negotiated a map for Congress that could put several Democrats
out of business. |
"He
who has the numbers gets to rock and roll."
-State
Rep. Ron Wilson; Redistricting Trial; Austin, Texas; December
10, 2003 |

December 29, 2003
Republicans Take Command in the Texas House
and Senate
as Capitol Inside Unveils First Power Rankings for Legislature
By Mike Hailey
Capitol
Inside Editor
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Jane
Nelson was happy to have her best session ever as a major
Senate power |
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John
Whitmire came up with his own exit strategy and left Texas
10 in New Mexico |
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Leticia
Van de Putte went from inside player to rebel leader to fight
GOP remap |
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Todd
Staples and other senators knew Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst would
back them up |
Texas Republicans
were in rock and roll heaven in 2003. The only things the GOP
didn't control at the State Capitol this year were about five dozen
Democrats who wouldn't stay put long enough to get bowled over as
easily on Congressional redistricting as they had on the state budget
and lawsuit liability reform. The Republicans didn't just have their
first majority in both houses of the Legislature for the first time
in well over a century. They had all-encompassing power and the ability
to control the outcome of every single vote they cared about as long
as a quorum was present. They could lock down the chambers - which
they did on occasion - and when the rules got in their way they had
the power to change them. In the matter of Congressional redistricting,
the Republicans appear on the verge of winning their effort to create
a playing field leveled more to their advantage. In order to prevail
in the quest for a new map, Republicans exerted power at a level that
few humans have ever witnessed - and that was because the Democrats
were flexing every last tissue of their remaining political muscle
to put up the fight of their lives at the Capitol as well. .
Only time can tell if the policies that Republicans approved easily
at times and rammed through when needed will help Texas become a better
place to live or whether they will prove disastrous for the state's
long-term collective health. But whether you agree that a new map
was needed to more fairly reflect the will and the moorings of the
state's voters - or whether you saw redistricting as a feeding frenzy
of political greed - there's really no disputing that Republican leaders
used their collective powers for maximum effect and gain.
Two things appear obvious as the Texas political world spins from
the old year into the new. Republicans have an agenda and they plan
to push it through the Legislature while they're in command. In
a House that's more unpredictable and harder to manage, GOP leaders
have decided that the most efficient way to do that is concentrate
almost all of the power in the hands of the few who can be trusted
to get the job done exactly as prescribed. Democrats did the same
thing to a large degree they ran they shop. The difference is Democrats
took their power for granted because they'd always had it - and
that made it seem less threatening when a Republican like Bill Ratliff
or Teel Bivins came along and earned a spot on the starting team.
Republicans are far more guarded about the power they now hold -
and after spending so much time and money trying to get it - they
are not as inclined to share it as much as the previous owners.
There
were several ways to become a major power player at the Texas Capitol
in 2003 - the year the Republicans took over the west wing and came
within a new Congressional map of clearing the monopoly game board.
If you were a member of a Texas House that was controlled by the
GOP for the first time in more than 130 years, a) you could be one
of Tom Craddick's old friends and top allies and be fairly confident
of landing a leading role or b) you could have endorsed Craddick
for House Speaker immediately after the general election avalanche
the year before and then hope for a decent supporting part or c)
you could be a Democrat who might have voted for Craddick after
refusing a seat on the bandwagon or d) you could be Lon Burnam,
the Fort Worth Democrat who cast the only official vote against
the Midland Republican who would be speaker a few minutes later.
If you fell into the third category, you would quickly be reminded
what it's like not chairing a committee while you tried to get psyched
up for your new role as a member of the loyal opposition. If you
were Burnam, you could say you made history. But that's about it.
But if you had an R by your name, and you had persevered for ages
in the desolate valley alongside the new speaker without sacrificing
a penny's worth of allegiance to the principals that conservative
Republicans hold dear, then you had finally reached the promise
land.
In the
Senate, your potential path to power would depend less on who you
knew at the outset and more on what you could do to help the new
Lieutenant Governor, David Dewhurst, do the best job he could do
as a relatively inexperienced political leader taking charge of
the upper chamber for the very first time. There was no established
inner circle of Dewhurst confidants who'd already yelled shotgun
to get first call on the best jobs when the guard changed and the
power was reshuffled. In the House, opponents from the past were
treated as such. In the Senate, everyone started with a blank slate
- more or less - including the senator who handed the gavel over
to Dewhurst and returned to his desk on the floor without being
punished for giving the new presiding officer the cold shoulder
when he was a candidate for the job the year before. That, of course,
was Ratliff, who would have been ranked second or third in the first
ever Capitol Inside Texas Senate Power Rankings if he had not induced
his own fall from the new leader's good graces and thrown in the
towel by the end of the year.
The second
or third most powerful Senate member - Senator Bivins - arrived
in the freshmen class the same year as Ratliff - and the two men
took similar paths at comparable paces to the chamber's highest
levels of power over their 14-year careers. Bivins is also turning
his keys over in January so he can be prepared to hit the ground
running in Sweden when he starts work as an American ambassador
- courtesy of President George W. Bush's nomination to the diplomacy
gig. Having already submitted their letters of resignation and sparked
special election contests for their seats in Northeast Texas and
West Texas, respectively, the two lions failed to qualify for slots
on the power chart for 2003. But they have been replaced by tigers
who have been paying their dues for most of the past decade and
will not be shy about stepping into the void of power at the top
and making it their home for a while. The order of the Senate Power
Rankings will change after Dewhurst replaces Ratliff and Bivins
with new chairs on the State Affairs and Finance committees respectively.
When you take your first look at the Senate Power Rankings below,
you will marvel to yourself how quickly time flies.
The Power
Rankings measure how much clout a representative or senator enjoyed
during the past calendar year by virtue of their committee assignments,
appointments to agency boards and commissions, political party caucus
posts and the roles they had in the process of moving major legislation
through the Capitol mill. Anyone with a key role in Congressional
redistricting cashed in on the power points before the year was
all said and done. Authors and sponsors and many of the members
who chaired the committees that kicked out the major pieces of legislation
- homeowners' insurance reform, medical malpractice liability and
tort reform, the state budget, and of course, the Congressional
remap - are ranked high on the list. The 10 most powerful House
members for the year goneby include two Democrats who played key
roles on the starting GOP team in 2003. Three Democrats are ranked
in the Senate top ten for all together different reasons than their
high-ranking counterparts in the House.
In an
effort to keep subjective appraisal to a minimum, Capitol Inside
assigned a value to standing committee chairs and vice-chairs, select
interim studies, agency appointments, major bills and other special
circumstances that we felt had to be considered to get to the truth
about who's really running the show under the pink granite dome.
For example, you get four additional points if you organized an
out-of-state walkout to break a quorum to drag out the fight on
redistricting. Because of extraordinary circumstances like that,
some legislators on this year's list might not be in position to
rank as high next time around. The top player on each list is a
no brainer - it's the guy who's in charge. There are some on the
lists you'd expect and a few others you might not have been able
to even imagine up until now. Between them they share a colossal
amount of influence and stroke over the direction state government
is taking and the roads down which it will go.
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