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March 9, 2005
Democrats' First United Front in Years
Makes Vote Close on GOP School Plan
By
Mike Hailey
Capitol
Inside Editor
In a dramatic turnabout from the Texas Legislature's
last regular session, Democrats united for the first time
since losing control of the House and almost killed a school
finance bill that they branded as unfair, illegal, unconstitutional
and woefully short of funds.
House Democrats, who fought each other almost
as much as they battled Republicans in 2003, came within
a three-vote swing of a monumental upset when the House
ended two long days of debate by giving preliminary approval
to the educating funding measure in a 76-71 vote Tuesday
night.
Two years after enlisting help from more than a dozen Democrats
while bulldozing their way to victories in debates on medical
malpractice liability and the state budget, GOP leaders managed
to hold together a fragile majority to pass House Bill 2 on
second reading without a single vote from the minority opposition.
The finally tally on the measure by State Rep. Kent
Grusendorf of Arlington turned out to be closer than
expected after nine Republicans defected and sided with the
Democrats despite high-pressure lobbying by Speaker Tom
Craddick and GOP leaders for support from members
within their own party.
Sixty-two Democrats voted against HB 2 while Democratic
State Rep. Al Edwards of Houston pushed
a white light to show that he was in the chamber but not
taking a position on the measure. Republican State Rep.
Brian McCall of Plano was also recorded as present
but not voting.
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GOP
NO VOTES ON HB 2 |
| Fred Brown, Bryan |
| Charlie Geren, Fort Worth |
| Toby Goodman, Arlington |
| Bob Griggs, N. Richland Hills |
| Pat Haggerty, El Paso |
| Delwin Jones, Lubbock |
| Edmund Kuempel, Seguin |
| Tommy Merritt, Longview |
| Todd Smith, Bedford |
In another ironic twist to one of the most unpredictable sessions
on record, a House that was bitterly divided and filled with
personal animosity after the Republican takeover in 2003 spent
22 hours debating the complex and politically explosive issue
of school finance in a tone of remarkable civility and mutual
respect before settling the debate with one of the closest
partisan votes on a major issue in recent House history.
With no more than two or three members straying
at times, Democrats voted together in opposition to the
Republican majority's position on almost all of more than
100 proposed amendments. But the most poignant and potentially
devastating criticism of the education finance legislation
did not come from a parade of Democratic House leaders who
spoke against the bill before the final vote. The torpedo
that had the most potential to sink the plan was fired by
Republican State Rep. Bob Griggs, a second
term lawmaker from the Fort Worth suburb of North Richland
Hills. Griggs - a school superintendent for 14 years before
winning a House seat in 2002 - brought the House to tears
with a personal account of two students who overcame seemingly
insurmountable odds because the school district he led could
afford to meet their special needs. Griggs suggested that
there will be fewer success stories like that as a result
of HB 2.
"This bill is just plain old junk food,"
Griggs said, likening the school finance bill to a candy
bar that's good for a "sugar rush" but has no
substance for nutritional value. Griggs and eight other
House Republicans including several from the Fort Worth
area crossed party line in voting against the bill.
State Rep. Jim Dunnam, the
Democratic Caucus chairman, described the school bill was
an "unfunded mandate" that relies on budget cuts
that he predicted would be found in either health and human
services or higher education. The Waco lawmaker said the
bill will essentially force the Legislature to choose between
children in the public school system, students who can't
afford to go to college without state assistance and kids
who are sick.
Republicans countered the criticism with a
mixture of praise and pragmatic analysis - with State Rep.
Dianne Delisi of Temple explaining "the
genius of the bill" and State Rep. Bill Keffer
of Dallas justifying support for the measure as a "roadmap
from insanity" that produced a constitutional crisis
and court ruling against the state to a system that will
have the tools to meet goals that legislators share. Delisi
and Keffer are members of the Public Education Committee
who helped Grusendorf - the panel's chairman - manage the
floor debate on the school funding bill.
But while a week's worth of high-level arm-twisting
paid off with a preliminary victory for the GOP majority
on HB 2, the united front displayed by Democrats and the
resulting close vote could be cause for some trepidation
among GOP leaders who now face an even trickier test in
trying to push through the companion tax bill on which $11
billion worth of property tax relief in the school plan
relies.
The first signs of unity among members of
the House's minority were apparent when five out of seven
Democrats opposed the Republican leadership's education
and tax bills in committee. It became clear that the party
line committee votes were no aberration when all 63 House
Democrats voted Tuesday against a motion to table a Democratic
alternative to the school finance overhaul proposed in HB
2 during a marathon debate on the floor. The plan that had
been drafted by House Democratic Caucus leaders and offered
as an amendment by State Rep. Scott Hochberg
of Houston was rejected on an 81-67 vote. But instead of
wilting when it seemed evident that House leaders would
have the votes to pass the school plan, Democrats continued
to vote as a unified group on dozens of amendments before
casting the unanimous show of opposition in the final vote
of the day on HB 2.
The united front that House Democrats have
presented this week is a sign that they are probably emerging
from a natural acclimation process that was inevitable after
losing control of a chamber that their party had run for
more than a century. In the disorientation and insecurity
of their first session as members of the House's minority
party, Democrats were split into two distinct groups that
viewed each other more as adversaries than allies.
About 70 percent of the Democrats in the House
generally sided with Democratic Caucus leaders in frequent
opposition to positions advanced by Craddick and a vast
majority of his fellow Republicans. The remaining Democrats
had forged alliances with the Republican speaker immediately
after the 2002 election and were rewarded with committee
chairs and other positions on GOP's leadership team. A dozen
or more Democrats - some who had close ties to Craddick
and others who represented conservative districts - crossed
party lines to vote with Republicans in the fights on tort
reform, state spending and college tuition deregulation.
Congressional redistricting brought Democrats together in
a fight for political survival during three special sessions
in the summer and fall of 2003. But even in the partisan
redistricting war that erupted, a couple of Democrats cast
votes for the GOP's plan.
Dunnam said Democrats have been voting alike
this week partly because of the positions they share on
public schools and how they are funds. He attributed the
united front to an increasing "element of trust and
understanding" that members of the minority party lacked
amid the upheaval after the 2002 elections. Dunnam said
there was a tendency among some Democrats two years ago
to vote with the Republican leadership amid a feeling that
their votes wouldn't be needed as much when it was obvious
that the GOP had the numbers to prevail in the battles on
major issues. Dunnam said more Democrats are casting votes
that reflect their constituents' wishes. "If they don't,
the voters will figure it out," Dunnam said.
That's exactly what appeared to happen a year
ago when voters in a handful of House districts ousted Democratic
representatives who'd been associated with Craddick and
the Republican leadership in 2003 and replaced them with
new members backed by party leaders such as state Chairman
Charles Soechting. Democratic strategists
and leaders have suggested that another round of internal
self-cleansing could be coming in the 2006 primaries with
possible targets on Democrats who buck the party line in
favor of high stations on the House leadership team.
While Democrats tried to rock the boat during
the debate on school finance, the waters were not as choppy
as they were two years ago when members of the opposing
parties locked horns in an ongoing crossfire of accusations
and insults that grew personal at times.
State Rep. Yvonne Davis,
a 12-year House veteran from Dallas, said the Democrats
found it easy to be united on school finance because they
consider teachers and children to be a higher priority than
money. Republicans at times had said that their chief concern
in the debate was property tax relief.
But while House Democrats were more united
than they've been since their relegation to minority status,
State Rep. Garnet Coleman of Houston summed
up a key difference between the Republicans' victory and
his own side's defeat when he commended the GOP team that
managed the floor debate for a job well done. Coleman, who'd
been one of the toughest and most frequent critics of the
Republican leadership in 2003, said the controlling party's
organization on the floor for the school finance debate
was a sign that they also cared about the issue.
The GOP leadership will attempt a repeat performance
on a more challenging issue when they take up debate on
the tax bill as early as Thursday.
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