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April 9, 2004
Death of
a Sales Pitch
Perry Faces Imposing Challenge
Getting Support from Some Republicans Who Are Vowing to Vote No
in Special Session
By
MIKE HAILEY
Governor Rick Perry's office sent out an email
Thursday night with statements from several business lobbyists and
corporate CEOs who lavished sparkling superlatives and praise on
the property tax and school plan rolled out earlier that day. All
of the people who were quoted made the dual point that the governor
had demonstrated a commitment to fixing the public school finance
system and protecting economic opportunity and jobs with the plan
he'd crafted for a special session that he says he will call this
month.
The reaction seemed to signify a dramatic shift
of opinion compared to the criticism that Perry's proposals had
encountered when floated separately as trial balloons over the past
month or two. Perry's effort was exalted with lofty terms like courage,
deftly, refreshing and unmatched in well-written statements with
similar sequences of construction, style and flow - almost as if
they'd been centrally coordinated or composed by the same writer.
Maybe the similarities were simply a case of brilliant minds thinking
alike. Or maybe they were a sign that Perry has already done a remarkable
sales job defending his plan and building support for it fast. For
the governor's sake, let's hope it's the latter.
Selling the plan to legislators will present more
of a challenge. A growing number of House Republicans are vowing
privately to be firm no votes if given a chance to pass judgment
on the governor's plan in a special session. Some members of the
first GOP House majority since the 1860s - including both rural
and suburban Republicans - say they won't be supporting anybody's
plans this spring. About a fourth of the 88 Republicans in the lower
chamber hail from relatively rural areas while most of the remainder
represent suburban districts or old-money urban enclaves.
One reason so many Republicans are not as gung-ho
now about school finance as they seemed to be on the campaign trail
in years past is because they've learned that most of the schools
in their districts benefit from the Robin Hood system that Perry
and other legislative leaders want to eliminate. The state takes
tax money from 10 percent of the school districts in the state and
gives it to 90 percent in return. Most of the legislators with a
majority of students in Chapter 41 districts that have to give away
money under Robin Hood are from Austin or the suburbs around Dallas.
It's tough to tear down a system when you're coming out ahead because
of it.
The Republicans who promise to vote no also understand
that supporting a tax shift is the same as supporting a tax increase
when they have an opponent taking shots at them on the campaign
trail. Some legislators feel fairly immune to that because they've
represented the same voters long enough to enjoy the benefit of
the doubt on some issues that require unpopular votes. The more
Republican the district, ironically, the less trouble a member might
get into for supporting a hike in the cigarette tax or other state
tax boosts to pay for local property tax cuts Perry has proposed.
But many rural Republicans live in potential swing districts - and
others simply aren't well enough grounded by incumbency to feel
certain that they can survive being attacked as a tax-and-spender.
It's a complicated issue. But the bottom line
is that some lawmakers simply don't think the plans they've seen
so far do enough for pubic schools in their districts to justify
the pain. A Texas Poll this year indicated that a majority of Texans
are not that upset about Robin Hood or high property taxes - and
that's not much of an incentive to take risks.
Perry can probably forget about much help from
Democrats, who will be more inclined to go to the back mike to inquire
about the ongoing grand jury investigation than to discuss split
tax rolls or guaranteed yields.
Perry's plan faces opposition on other fronts
as well. Contrary to the quotations in the email, the business community
as a whole doesn't appear to be abandoning months of opposition
and piling on a bandwagon just yet. Perry hopes to ease business
concerns about a split tax roll with a proposed constitutional amendment
that would link the commercial and residential tax rates so business
won't end up shouldering an unfair burden. It's an interesting concept
that hasn't had time to sink in. It seems a lot like saying `trust
me,' but maybe it will work.
He's also got a problem with cities and counties
that are vehemently opposed to appraisal and rate caps that they
say will cripple their ability to provide necessary services. If
he has a way to cool that opposition, he hasn't shown it yet.
Along with the hurdles in the House, the governor
faces a doubting Lieutenant Governor David Dewhurst and his Senate
allies who think Perry's plan does not go far enough. Dewhurst and
the senators have already put their jobs on the line once with the
school finance bill they approved unanimously last year. They probably
don't want to risk them again for something they consider a bandaid
approach.
Texas legislators have a tradition of giving
lip service to plans served up by governors before hammering out
their own. But this is a different story because it's a different
governor who's shown more of a penchant for the veto.
For months it appeared that Perry couldn't decide
which road to try to take out of the box he'd made for himself by
promising for the past year to take on the troubled school finance
system when he didn't have a plan to do so. He delayed judgment
day as long as possible - and then he finally took the advice of
those who told him that refusing to call a special session would
bring more grief than calling one that might not work.
The problem now is, most legislators don't have
that much to lose by doing nothing on this issue right now - and
that's why the governor faces the sales job of a lifetime if he
hopes to prevail in the debate on school finance.
Mike
Hailey's column appears regularly in the Viewpoints section
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